Tuesday, August 5, 2008
Friday, August 1, 2008
Renowned Cross Talker Mr. Yousaf Raza Gillani Session
Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani's address to the Council on Foreign Relations was a historic event in so many ways. It was his first-ever interaction with a US think tank as Prime Minister.
No doubt the prime minister read out his well-written speech without any major flaws in which Pakistan's viewpoint was advocated nicely. But during the Question-Answer session, his performance as a leader, as an advocate of Pakistan and as prime minister was disappointing for the select audience of about 300 people.
Following is set of cross questions that HE was involved in.
The Question-Answer session began with a question by the CFR President Richard Haas about the current challenges and Pakistan's willingness and ability to face it.
Reacting to the Prime Minister's detached response, Richard Haas said, "Let me then come back to the question somewhat differently. Pakistan obviously faces tremendous problems in terms of internal security, which you spoke of in your speech. The fact that the problem has grown to the extent it has, that it's become as bad as it has, is this because of the weakness of the state of Pakistan? Is this because historically the state has been unwilling to take on these challenges? Why has Pakistan, in a sense, gotten into the security challenge that it faces?
What the Prime Minister told the highly knowledgeable select audience, in response to the question is the following:
GILANI: "That we have inherited. This is not the problem of only these three to four months, because you are also fighting the war in Afghanistan for the last five years, and you can also see -- realise the difficulties you are facing. And this is not a war which is a normal war. It is a guerrilla war. And nobody is trained for a guerrilla war. But certainly now we have a challenge and with God Almighty's blessing, we will be able to overcome the problems."
HAASS: Again, it seems to me that to attribute so much of the domestic political history of Pakistan to the United States, we could argue the history, but it also seems to me potentially dangerous, simply because I think you exaggerate our influence. And I would think that there need to be questions the Pakistanis raise for themselves about political culture in Pakistan, about the role of the army.
It's as much a statement as a question. You don't have to answer that. But since you alluded to it, let me take it one step further here, which is, you obviously inherited a situation where you have a former general, now President Musharraf, in power. Is this a situation that you believe is sustainable? Is this something that you believe can be continued in a way that is consistent with the growth of democracy, or do you see Mr. Musharraf staying in office as somehow inconsistent with the future of Pakistani democracy?
GILANI: Actually, you are considering Mr. Musharraf as a president of the United States. This is not the case, because there is a parliamentary form of government; here is a presidential form of government. And you can compare me with Gordon Brown, the prime minister of U.K., or --
HAASS: I hope your political numbers are higher. (Laughter.)
GILANI: -- no, no -- and Manmohan Singh, who is the prime minister of India. Therefore, we have inherited the Westminster system, a parliamentary form of government where the chief executive is the prime minister and not the president.
HAASS: I understand.
Let me ask the question a different way, then -- (laughter) -- beyond President Musharraf, which is whether you think now in the army there is a broader acceptance of a more limited role for the army. Do you think now the coming generation of army officers accepts the notion that their proper role is in the barracks rather than in politics?
GILANI: Certainly, yes. Because of the February 18 election of this year, we have a mandate to the moderate forces, to the democratic forces in Pakistan. And the moderate forces and the democratic forces, they have formed the government. And therefore the people have voted against dictatorship and for democracy -- the chief of the army staff is highly professional and is fully supporting the democracy.
Read the full interview here
No doubt the prime minister read out his well-written speech without any major flaws in which Pakistan's viewpoint was advocated nicely. But during the Question-Answer session, his performance as a leader, as an advocate of Pakistan and as prime minister was disappointing for the select audience of about 300 people.
Following is set of cross questions that HE was involved in.
The Question-Answer session began with a question by the CFR President Richard Haas about the current challenges and Pakistan's willingness and ability to face it.
Reacting to the Prime Minister's detached response, Richard Haas said, "Let me then come back to the question somewhat differently. Pakistan obviously faces tremendous problems in terms of internal security, which you spoke of in your speech. The fact that the problem has grown to the extent it has, that it's become as bad as it has, is this because of the weakness of the state of Pakistan? Is this because historically the state has been unwilling to take on these challenges? Why has Pakistan, in a sense, gotten into the security challenge that it faces?
What the Prime Minister told the highly knowledgeable select audience, in response to the question is the following:
GILANI: "That we have inherited. This is not the problem of only these three to four months, because you are also fighting the war in Afghanistan for the last five years, and you can also see -- realise the difficulties you are facing. And this is not a war which is a normal war. It is a guerrilla war. And nobody is trained for a guerrilla war. But certainly now we have a challenge and with God Almighty's blessing, we will be able to overcome the problems."
HAASS: Again, it seems to me that to attribute so much of the domestic political history of Pakistan to the United States, we could argue the history, but it also seems to me potentially dangerous, simply because I think you exaggerate our influence. And I would think that there need to be questions the Pakistanis raise for themselves about political culture in Pakistan, about the role of the army.
It's as much a statement as a question. You don't have to answer that. But since you alluded to it, let me take it one step further here, which is, you obviously inherited a situation where you have a former general, now President Musharraf, in power. Is this a situation that you believe is sustainable? Is this something that you believe can be continued in a way that is consistent with the growth of democracy, or do you see Mr. Musharraf staying in office as somehow inconsistent with the future of Pakistani democracy?
GILANI: Actually, you are considering Mr. Musharraf as a president of the United States. This is not the case, because there is a parliamentary form of government; here is a presidential form of government. And you can compare me with Gordon Brown, the prime minister of U.K., or --
HAASS: I hope your political numbers are higher. (Laughter.)
GILANI: -- no, no -- and Manmohan Singh, who is the prime minister of India. Therefore, we have inherited the Westminster system, a parliamentary form of government where the chief executive is the prime minister and not the president.
HAASS: I understand.
Let me ask the question a different way, then -- (laughter) -- beyond President Musharraf, which is whether you think now in the army there is a broader acceptance of a more limited role for the army. Do you think now the coming generation of army officers accepts the notion that their proper role is in the barracks rather than in politics?
GILANI: Certainly, yes. Because of the February 18 election of this year, we have a mandate to the moderate forces, to the democratic forces in Pakistan. And the moderate forces and the democratic forces, they have formed the government. And therefore the people have voted against dictatorship and for democracy -- the chief of the army staff is highly professional and is fully supporting the democracy.
Read the full interview here
Government to lower fuel prices by cutting ministers salaries
Transport groups in Ivory Coast have called an end to a strike that crippled the country last week. Taxis and busses in the capital, Abidjan, are again moving passengers, after the government announced a reduction in fuel prices.
The government decided to cut the price of diesel and gasoline in response to "the people's cry from the heart," the prime minister said in an address. Mr. Soro said the decision followed an extraordinary meeting of the government chaired by President Laurent Gbagbo.
Mr. Soro said fuel subsidies would be financed by cutting the salaries of government ministers by half. He added the salaries of managers of state-owned companies would also be reduced, along with international travel by government officials.
The program officer for the Abidjan-based National Democratic Institute, Fadimatou Hayatou, says the news was met with reserved optimism by groups that staged demonstrations last week in Abidjan.
Hayatou says the strikes have ended after a week of protests. She says in ending the strike, the transportation groups have taken the prime minister at his word, but they are still waiting to see what will happen. The transport workers have said they are willing to strike again if the government does not follow through on the proposal.
Last week's strike crippled the capital and several towns in the interior. Thousands of workers were forced to stay home because public transport, in the form of taxis and minibuses, was unavailable.
Mr. Soro said the fuel price initiative would cost the Ivory Coast government nearly $500 million annually.
The prices of diesel and gasoline in Ivory Coast rose sharply two weeks ago when the government abruptly canceled previous subsidies, saying it could no longer afford to subsidize in the face of the rising cost of crude oil.
The U.S. government's Energy Information Administration reports petroleum consumption in Ivory Coast has remained stable during the past three years, despite rising fuel prices.
In the meantime, oil production in Ivory Coast has rocketed. Petroleum has supplanted traditional exports cocoa and coffee as the chief source of export revenue for the government of Ivory Coast. The Energy Information Administration reports the sale of petroleum last year accounted for 28 percent of the government's export revenues.
The government decided to cut the price of diesel and gasoline in response to "the people's cry from the heart," the prime minister said in an address. Mr. Soro said the decision followed an extraordinary meeting of the government chaired by President Laurent Gbagbo.
Mr. Soro said fuel subsidies would be financed by cutting the salaries of government ministers by half. He added the salaries of managers of state-owned companies would also be reduced, along with international travel by government officials.
The program officer for the Abidjan-based National Democratic Institute, Fadimatou Hayatou, says the news was met with reserved optimism by groups that staged demonstrations last week in Abidjan.
Hayatou says the strikes have ended after a week of protests. She says in ending the strike, the transportation groups have taken the prime minister at his word, but they are still waiting to see what will happen. The transport workers have said they are willing to strike again if the government does not follow through on the proposal.
Last week's strike crippled the capital and several towns in the interior. Thousands of workers were forced to stay home because public transport, in the form of taxis and minibuses, was unavailable.
Mr. Soro said the fuel price initiative would cost the Ivory Coast government nearly $500 million annually.
The prices of diesel and gasoline in Ivory Coast rose sharply two weeks ago when the government abruptly canceled previous subsidies, saying it could no longer afford to subsidize in the face of the rising cost of crude oil.
The U.S. government's Energy Information Administration reports petroleum consumption in Ivory Coast has remained stable during the past three years, despite rising fuel prices.
In the meantime, oil production in Ivory Coast has rocketed. Petroleum has supplanted traditional exports cocoa and coffee as the chief source of export revenue for the government of Ivory Coast. The Energy Information Administration reports the sale of petroleum last year accounted for 28 percent of the government's export revenues.
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